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The Old Regime and the French Revolution, by Alexis de Tocqueville
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Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859) is familiar to readers as the author of "Democracy in America," the most-quoted book written about the United States. "The Old Regime and the Revolution" is Tocqueville's great meditation on the origins and meanings of the French Revolution. One of the most profound and influential studies of this pivotal event, it remains a relevant and stimulating discussion of the problem of preserving individual and political freedom in the modern world. Writing in 1851, Tocqueville showed the continuity of French political behavior and social attitudes before and after the Revolution. He discussed the dangers to political freedom posed by tendencies towards government centralization and persistent class hostility that endured from the old regime to the Revolution and beyond.
Alan Kahan's new translation finally provides a faithful and readable rendering in English of Tocqueville's last masterpiece, surpassing existing English editions of the work which are now decades old. The first translation to be based on the forthcoming French critical edition, it includes notes and variants, which reveal Tocqueville's sources as well as new material from his drafts and revisions. The reader will also find a new introduction and other discussions by France's most eminent scholars on Tocqueville and the French Revolution, Franç oise Mé lonio and the late Franç ois Furet.
A major scholarly event, this handsomely produced book will be the definitive English edition of on of the great books in modern intellectual history.
Franç ois Furet (1992-1997) was the leading French historian of the Revolution and, according to the "New York Times," "oneof the most influential French thinkers of the post-war era." Franç oise Mé lonio is the editor of Gallimard's critical edition of Tocqueville's complete works.
"Franç oise Furet . . . challenged the popular Marxist interpretation of the French Revolution and reshaped French thinking about subsequent events. His lifelong fascination with the French Revolution and his many books on it . . . earned him a special place among historians."- "New York Times," 16 July 1997
- Sales Rank: #451937 in Books
- Published on: 1983-10-01
- Released on: 1955-10-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 7.99" h x .70" w x 5.19" l, .55 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 300 pages
Most helpful customer reviews
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
A classic which was probably not well received by the French reactionaries
By Jens Guld
A classic.
Toqueville maintains that the French absolute kings unsuccesfully tried to do what the revolutionaires did with better success.
30 of 32 people found the following review helpful.
Good Book, But Not a History
By denverd0n
I give this book four stars. It is a fascinating investigation into the political and cultural environment in France that led up to the revolution.
But be forewarned! This book is NOT a history of the revolution. The author makes that very clear right at the beginning, but I think it bears emphasizing. If you aren't already pretty familiar with the history of the revolution you may have trouble at times following what this book is talking about.
Overall, this book is well worth the cover price for anyone with an interest in the French revolution.
13 of 14 people found the following review helpful.
The French Revolution "sought to increase the power and jurisdiction of the central authority."
By komyathy
"What was the true aim of the Revolution? What was its specific character? Why did it take place and what exactly did it achieve?" As Tocqueville addresses these questions herein (without, I should add, detailing the specific events of the actual Revolution---this treatise is not a history of that event) he makes these points: "The aim of the Revolution was not, as once was thought, to destroy the authority of the Church and religious faith in general." (Although Tocqueville does admit that "Christianity was attacked with almost frenzied violence," but he points out that "there was no question of replacing it with another religion," suggesting that religion got caught in the maelstrom against traditional bodies; and that the discrediting of religion which was becoming prevalent during the latter half of the 18th century "had a preponderant influence on the course of the French Revolution," as the people having lost faith in GOD became more inclined to start believing in anything---as Émile Cammaerts has put it; though often mis-attributed to G.K. Chesterton.) "Appearances notwithstanding," according to Tocqueville, the Revolution "was essentially a movement for political and social reform and, as such, did not aim at creating a state of permanent disorder in the conduct of public affairs or (as one of its opponents bitterly remarked) at 'methodizing anarchy.'
On the contrary, it sought to increase the power and jurisdiction of the central authority. (Nor was it intended, as some have thought, to change the whole nature of our traditional civilization, to arrest its progress, or even to make any vital change in the principles basic to the structure of society in the Western world. If we disregard various incidental developments which briefly modified its aspect at different periods and in different lands, and study it as it was essentially, we find that the chief permanent achievement of the French Revolution was the suppression of those political institutions, commonly described as feudal, which for many centuries had held unquestioned sway in most European countries.") "The reason why the principle of centralization of power did not perish in the Revolution is that this very centralization was at once the Revolution's starting-off point and one of its guiding principles." "In the long period of rankling unrest and rising discontent preceding the Revolution all sorts of schemes were worked up for the establishment of a new social order and a new method of government. The ends proposed by the reformers varied greatly, but the means were always the same. They wished to make use of the central power, as it stood, for shattering the whole social structure and rebuilding it on lines that seemed to them desirable.""Firmly convinced of the perfectibility of man, they [the French people]" it appears elevated themselves above God with a "fanatical faith in their vocation---that of transforming the social system, root and branch, and regenerating the whole human race."
Tocqueville further comments in this fine work of informed, and very readable, scholarship that "It is remarkable that of all the ideas and aspirations which led up to the Revolution the concept and desire of political liberty, in the full sense of the term, were the last to emerge, as they were also the first to pass away." Freedom's fundamental basis, after all, had been thoroughly discredited for some time; particularly during the reigns of Louis XV and Louis XVI when "the administration persistently instilled into the minds of Frenchmen...the notion that private ownership need not, indeed, should not, invariably be respected." (See Richard Pipes' learned examination on the intrinsic correlation between these two notions in his work Property and Freedom). As to why liberty was given short shrift Tocqueville leaves us to consider the French mind as represented by none other than the view of Voltaire; who Tocqueville characterizes thusly: "The truth was that he envied the English above all for their freedom to write as they liked, while their political freedom left him indifferent and he quite failed to realize that the former could not have survived for long without the latter." That, in short, was the dilemma of the French Revolution was it not? And what distinguishes it from its American variant, as "...it is no exaggeration to say that a man's admiration of absolute government is proportionate to the contempt he feels for those around him." (07Apr) Cheers
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